Section
III Symposium: Clinical Implications of the Revolution in Intersexed
and Transgendered Identities
Chair:
Nancy
McWilliams,Ph.D.
Presenters: Sandra
Bem, Ph.D.: A Paradoxical Lesson from Queer Theory: Degenitalizing
Gender; Nina
Williams, Psy.D.: The Imposition of Gender: Genital Ambiguity
in an Adult Woman
Discussant: Cheryl Chase: Executive Director, Intersex Society of North America
This symposium, sponsored by Section III, concerned sexual minorities. It proceeded from general, theoretical issues
to specific, clinical ones, especially the question of contemporary
medical treatment of intersexed people and its later psychological
consequences. Nancy McWilliams
opened the proceedings by describing the work of the section and
of Division 39 (as most of the large group attending were not
Division members; it seemed an opportunity for some education
about the contemporary psychoanalytic landscape).
She then framed one task of the symposium as covering theoretical,
clinical and personal/political perspectives on intersexuality,
the umbrella term for conditions in which one’s genitals
deviate from a perceived norm.
The term intersexual, not to be confused with the phenomenon of
transsexualism or the seeking of sex-change operations by adults,
embraces what used to be called hermaphroditism as well as accidents
of chromosome, hormone, and interuterine experience that create
atypical genitalia such as having a clitoris that resembles a
penis and vice versa. Reliable
estimates of the frequency of intersexuality have been hard to
obtain. Fausto-Sterling
and her students have estimated that up to two percent of live
births involve significant genital anomalies and that between
.1 and .2 per cent of infants have been subjected to genital surgeries
to make them appear unambiguously male or female (usually female,
given that, in the chillingly flippant gallows humor of the plastic
surgeon, “It’s easier to dig a hole than to build a
pole”).
For the past forty years, mostly on Money’s now discredited arguments
about the plasticity of gender identity, it has been standard
American medical practice to “correct” atypical genitalia
during infancy in whatever direction (male or female) is surgically
most feasible. Such operations
may require lengthy medical follow-up and repetitive procedures
such as the dilation of surgically created vaginas.
Typically, parents have been advised to subject their baby
to surgery as early as is safe, to raise the child unambivalently
as a member of the gender to which it has been assigned, and to
conceal the fact that he or she was born with a genital anomaly.
Remarkably, there has been no systematic scientific follow-up of these
treatment strategies and scant attention to the possible traumatic
effect on children of both the procedures and the associated repetitive
genital examinations, often conducted before numerous medical
students and surgical residents. There have been no studies of matched samples
of intersexed people raised with and without early surgeries. Ironically, the doctoral dissertation of John
Money, who later championed infant genital surgeries as in the
name of humanitarianism, established that intersexed people who
grew up before the surgical era had lived satisfying, relatively
unproblematic lives (“living testimony to the stamina of
human personality in the face of sexual ambiguity” [Colapinto,
2000]). Many people who
have undergone the conventional surgical treatments of the past
forty years are now adults, and some have found their way to the
offices of psychoanalytic therapists.
In this panel, Sandra Bem first summarized contemporary literature in
gender studies and related areas on the phenomenon of gender polarization
and the tendency of western societies to try to fit all their
members into categories of “real men” and “real
women,” defined as unmistakably male, masculine, and attracted
to women versus female, feminine, and attracted to men. Reviewing the work of Judith Butler (1990), Anne Fausto-Sterling
(1993), and Suzanne Kessler (1998), she described the evolution
of a sensibility that seeks to dismantle conventional paradigms
that exclude many people from acceptance as equal members of the
human species. She also commented on the scholarship of Mary
Douglas (1966), an anthropologist who described how cultures to
distinguish, based on context, between what is valued and what
is considered “dirt.” For example, although food on the table is
appealing, food on one’s sweater is dirt.
Bem related these social processes to the marginalization
of gays, lesbians, and other sexual minorities.
In one preliterate culture, villagers insisted that night-crowing
cocks do not exist. Investigation
revealed that they systematically wring the necks of cocks who
crow at night. Comparing surgical treatment of people who
are not conventionally male or female to the killing of night-crowing
cocks, Bem argued that intersexed people “do not exist”
because we destroy the evidence of their deviation from cultural
norms.
Nina Williams then presented the ongoing case of a woman she has treated
for four years, who entered therapy for depressive and self-esteem
issues and who eventually was able to speak of her fears that
she had been born with ambiguous genitalia.
This patient had numerous post-traumatic symptoms, including
panic attacks when she was in the vicinity of a hospital or doctor’s
office, which she related to a series of mysterious operations
on her genitals that she had undergone as a young child. When she would neglect to take hormones prescribed
for a diagnosed endocrine condition, her body would masculinize.
Efforts to get her mother to talk about her medical history
foundered in a sea of defensiveness. In fact, the chronic parental mixed message
of “This is too upsetting for you to be bringing up!”
and “Why are you making such a big deal out of nothing?”
had made the patient deeply conflicted and anxious about talking
to her analyst about her body and her associated feelings, fantasies,
and speculations. With
poignant imagery, Williams reported the transference-countertransference
enactments that had emerged as this woman gradually found the
courage to face her possible intersexuality and to convey the
painful emotional context of her childhood. For example, Williams found herself preoccupied with her patient’s
anatomy at the expense of appreciating her trauma, a repetition
of the way this woman’s parents (and the culture in general)
have treated intersexed people.
Cheryl Chase, the director of the Intersex Society of North America, then
responded to the issues raised by the presenters.
Beginning with an appreciation of the case, which she called
a landmark contribution to understanding the psychology associated
with contemporary treatment of intersexuality, she urged Williams
to have it published. In reflecting on contemporary gender scholarship,
she was respectful and appreciative of the work of Bem (e.g.,
1995) and those she had summarized but went on to comment that
intersexed people are not particularly interested in celebrating
diversity in gender and sexual orientation; they want simply to
stop what they view is an inevitably traumatizing way of dealing
with genital variability. “We have a very conservative agenda,” she noted. “We want unnecessary surgeries to stop. We want psychological support for families
and individuals coping with intersexuality, and we want people
to be able to decide for themselves as adults if they want any
alterations to their genitals.”
She introduced two activists for change to the current
medical paradigm, Janet Green Mikkelsen and Betsy Driver, who
recently persuaded the leadership of the National Organization
for Women to come out against automatic genital surgery for intersexuality. Mikkelsen and Driver both mentioned their sense
of profound identification with Williams’s patient and spoke
of their own struggles in therapy to come to terms to what had
been done to them and concealed from them.
The intersexed participants stressed that infancy is the
only time when one must examine genitals in order to determine
gender; otherwise, people signal by numerous cues their identifications
as male or female. The
assumption that it would be more traumatic to have unusual genitals
than to undergo repetitive medical trauma and the family anguish
that frequently accompanies it has never been supported with data
that would constitute reliable evidence.
There ensued a discussion with audience members, some of whom commented
on relevant psychoanalytic issues such as the dynamics involved
in all versions of genital mutilation (ritual circumcision, clitoridectomy,
rites of passage), in the sense of omnipotence gratified by changing
a person’s gender, and in body acceptance generally.
Most members of the audience seemed eager to learn more
from the intersexed people present, who were equally eager to
encourage the audience members to extend clinical help to intersexed
people and their families. They
emphasized their conviction that the mental health community,
via its understanding of trauma and recovery, is already adequately
equipped to alleviate the suffering of many people harmed by early
medical trauma, secrecy, and the unprocessed family stresses that
typically attend accidents of anatomy, and they urged participants
to become more aware of this area of need for good psychotherapeutic
services.
References
Bem, S. L. (1995). Dismantling
gender polarization and compulsory heterosexuality: Should we
turn the volume down or up? Journal of Sex Research, 32, 329-334.
Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble:
Feminism and the subversion of identity.
New York: Routledge.
Colapinto, J. (2000). As nature
made him: The boy who was raised as a girl.
New York: HarperCollins.
Douglas, M. (1966). Purity
and danger: An analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo. New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Fausto-Sterling, A. (1993). The
five sexes: Why male and female are not enough.
The Sciences, 33, 2, 19-24.
Kessler, S. J. (1998). Lessons
from the intersexed. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Unversity Press.